United Nations and Post-Election Conflict Resolution: Case Study of Cote d’ Ivoire

UNITED NATIONS AND POST-ELECTION CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN COTE D’ IVOIRE

This study is aimed to examine the role of United Nations in post-election conflict resolution in Africa, particularly in Cote d’ Ivoire.

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

• Background of the Study

In any democracy, the election represents the only genuine mechanism for changing one government to another as well as for transmitting political power all over the world. This assertion clearly implies that election constitutes a central and major component of representative democracy. Buttressing this fact, Lindberg (2003) reiterates that the very idea of representative democracy justifies the pivotal role of election as a veritable means for electing individuals that would represent the interests of the people into political positions and the decision-making process. Therefore, one can infer that it would be out of place and fool-hardy to conjecture democracy without the notion and practice of elections. In trying to promote a better understanding of the role and significance of election in a democracy, Ojo (2007) posits that election remains one of the fundamental hallmarks of democracy, while Chiroro (2005) lent credence to the above by asserting that election occupies a pride of place as an essential feature of the democratic process.

However, it is appalling to note that the inception of democracy in most African countries, particularly in this contemporary period has witnessed a plethora of conflicts arising from elections. From countries like Nigeria, Gambia, Kenya, to Cote d’Ivoire and Zimbabwe, election conflicts have continued to be a recurring decimal characterizing the democratic process. This above fact clearly attests that a symbiotic relationship exists between election conflict and instability in any democratic society with palpable threat of destruction of lives and property. Amnesty International (2008) shed more light by reporting that the violent struggle for political power, even in countries which do not translate into violent conflict, still constitutes an integral part of political life in Africa where politics is considered as a ‘do or die affair’ and a means of affluence. Using Cote d’ Ivoire as a case study, it must be noted that after the country’s independence in 1960, Cote d’ Ivoire enjoyed stable and peaceful elections which brought Felix Houphouet-Boigny to power. After his death in 1993, Henri Konan Bedie succeeded him in another peaceful election devoid of conflict and violence.

In 1999, Bedie was accused of corruption and political repression and was therefore asked to step down by some group of soldiers led by Tuo Fozie on December 23, 1999. He bluntly refused and was subsequently overthrown in a coup d’etat the following day. This incident marked the beginning of serious conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire as gunshots were fired in major cities of the country with several houses and cars burnt, while scores of civilians were killed following soldiers’ mutiny. Robert Guei was called out of retirement to fill in the vacuum created by the ouster of Bedie. In October 2000, a presidential election was held again between Guei and Laurent Gbagbo. Gbagbo won the election and Guei refused to concede defeat to Gbagbo. This also resulted in widespread protests and post-election conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire.

The abuses and violations of human rights made Domestic and International Organisations such as: African Union (AU), Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), European Union (EU), and United Nations (UN) to intervene. The intervention by these organisations forced Guei to legitimately recognize Gbagbo as the new President. This also led to conflict resolution that engulfed the country as a result of Guei’s refusal to hand over power to a duly elected President. Gbagbo was subsequently sworn-in as the new President. In November 2010, Ivorians once again went to the polls for another Presidential election (Ado, 2015). This time, the contest was between the incumbent Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Quattara. The first round of election ended in a stalemate. Therefore, the electoral umpire called for a second election which saw Alassane Quattara emerging as the winner. Instead of conceding defeat, Gbagbo vowed not to relinquish power to the opposition and this led to the eruption of political cum election conflict between forces loyal Gbagbo and supporters of Quattara with widespread violence in many parts of Cote d’ Ivoire. This resultant election conflict raises vital questions such as: Why is election seen as a do or die affair in Africa? Is it right for incumbents not to concede defeat to the opposition in an election? Does election conflict not portend a threat to peace, security and the sustainability of the democratic process? Do Domestic and International Organisations play any role in curbing election-related conflict?

The above thematic issues constitute the background upon which the study sets out to examine the role of the United Nations and election conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire .

• Statement of the Problem

Election conflict remains a recurring problem of most elections, particularly Presidential election in Africa. The trend has grown in leaps and bounds to the extent that the mere mention of election brings obvious fear in the minds of many. The list is endless as election conflict has prevailed in countries such as Democratic Republic of Congo, Gambia, Kenya, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, etc. Adolfo et al (2012) maintain that election conflict is not only a threat to the sustenance of peace and security in Africa, but also undermines the effectiveness of the democratic process. According to him, election conflict occurs before, during and after an election and takes different forms ranging from intimidation and harassment of voters, rigging and committing of varying electoral fraud to destruction of lives and property.

In 1993, Nigeria conducted one of the freest and fairest presidential elections (Suberu, 1993), which was annulled by the military government under the leadership of Ibrahim Babangida. The annulment by the military, denied the widely celebrated winner of the election, Moshood Abiola, a chance to be the President of the country. This action resulted in election-related conflict and social unrest in the form of strikes, riots and government suppression of the press and civil society. More recently, in the 2011 presidential elections, election conflict (EC) in the form of three days of violent riots following dissatisfaction with the electoral outcome resulted in the death of about eight hundred (800) persons with over sixty-five thousand individuals (65,000) rendered homeless and displaced (Bekoe 2011).

Similarly, in Cote d’ Ivoire, election conflict arose following the refusal of the incumbent President, Laurent Gbagbo to concede defeat and relinquish power to the rightful winner of the November 2011 presidential election Alassane Quattara. Gbagbo’s action sparked-off unprecedented destruction of lives and property leading to civil war. HRW (2011) asserts that over one thousand (1000) lives were estimated to have been lost, with over fifty thousand persons (50,000) displaced and another ninety-four thousand (94,000) fleeing into Liberia. The wanton destruction of lives and property, maiming of innocent citizens and non-citizens alike coupled with the need to enthrone peace and stop the conflict from escalating necessitated the United Nations and French military intervention. Suberu (1993) states that politicians who want to win elections at all cost are responsible for election conflict as they recruit thugs and arm them with guns before elections to remove any obstacle to election victory. Oladele (2009) posits that the attitude of African Politicians cum leaders is responsible for the escalating cases of election conflict as many of them want to perpetuate themselves in power as a result of greed.

However, it is interesting to note that the above literature failed to identify the militating factors and causes of election conflict, as well as the role played by domestic and international organizations in quelling the menace. This constitutes a lacuna that the present study intends to fill. It is this problem that necessitated the investigation of the United Nations and election conflict resolution in Africa with particular reference to Cote d’ Ivoire.

• Aim and Objectives of the Study

The main aim of the study is to examine the role of United Nations in post election conflict resolution in Africa, particularly in Cote d’ Ivoire. The thematic objectives include:

1. To examine the remote and proximate causes of election conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire.
2. To identify the consequences of election conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire.

• To highlight the significant role of the United Nations in managing and election conflict resolution in Cote d’ Ivoire; and

1. To recommend measures for minimizing the incidences of the election conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire in particular and Africa in general.

Research Questions

The study is guided by the following research questions:

1. What are the remote and proximate causes of election conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire?
2. To what extent can promotion of internally displaced persons and destruction of lives and property constitute a consequence of election violence in Cote d’ Ivoire?
3. Does the United Nations play any significant role in managing and election conflict resolution in Cote d’ Ivoire?
4. What are the measures for stemming the tide of election conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire?

Research Hypotheses

To achieve the desired objectives, the following hypotheses were formulated to offer direction for the study:

1. There is a positive relationship between the greed for political power, absence of free, fair and credible election and election conflict resolution in Cote d’ Ivoire.
2. There is a significant relationship between the politics of do or die and election conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire
3. There is a significant relationship between the intervention of International Organisations and resolving of election conflict in Cote d’ Ivoire.

Significance of the Study

The relevance of the study will be articulated under academic, theoretical and practical significance. The academic significance of the study entails promoting a good understanding and enriching knowledge of the role of United Nations and other Domestic and International Organisations in managing and election conflict resolution particularly in Coted’ Ivoire. Its theoretical significance lies in the fact that it contributes to the existing literature on the subject matter and serves as a reference material for future researchers. Therefore, the theoretical significance of the project therefore, is rooted within the contours of sustainable democracy. As Cote d’ Ivoire continues to suffer election conflict and insecurity, the state has continuously been threatened with ultimate demise or collapse due largely to the inability of the state to manage and earn legitimacy emanating from election conflict. All these have created tensions and violence, sometimes civil wars within the system which thus threatens the sustenance of democratic values, national security, stability and peaceful co-existence.

Practically, the study seeks to evaluate and show how institutional framework and mechanisms can be structured to conduct elections effectively, efficiently and credibly. With the goal of the project achieved, it will ensure popular participation of Ivorians in elections through peaceful and credible conduct of elections. This will bring about enhanced partnership and trust with the international business and political community. Also, the findings and recommendations of the study will be of immense significance to government, politicians, security agencies and other stakeholders as it will equip them with knowledge for overcoming the intractable problem of election conflict and for policy-making.

• Scope and Limitations of the Study

The study is limited in scope to the United Nations and Election conflict resolution. Examining the militating factors and causes as well as the consequences of election violence for the democratic process falls within the scope of the study. Also, highlighting the role of domestic and international organisations in managing and election conflict resolution as well as recommending measures for curbing election conflict fall within the scope of the research. Additionally, the geographic scope is Cote d’ Ivoire.

In terms of limitations, the dearth of materials on Cote d’ Ivoire elections and the financial implication of carrying out a research of this magnitude constitute the limitations. However, this was overcome by the persistent quest of the researcher for objectivity and reliability.

• Study Area

The study area is Cote d’ Ivoire, a country situated on the coast of West Africa. Its capital is Abidjan, but since 1983, Yamoussoukro has been named as the administrative capital. Cote d’ Ivoire is square in shape and comprises of 322,463 km², which is approximately 124,500 square mitres with 318,003 km² occupied by land and 4,460km² occupied by water.

Geographically, the country is located at 8 00⁰N and 5 00⁰W. It is bounded in the West by Liberia, in the East by Ghana, in the North by Mali and Burkina Faso, while in the South, it is bounded by Gulf of Guinea (Idrissu, 2015). This demonstrates the fact that the country consists of four natural regions. In terms of its climate, the country is generally warm and humid, and this ranges from equatorial coasts to tropical in the middle, while in the north, it is semiarid. Thus, Cote d’ Ivoire has three (3) distinct seasons namely; warm and dry, which runs from November to March, hot and dry (March to May), as well as hot and wet, which starts in June and ends in October. The temperature in Cote d’ Ivoire ranges between 25 and 32 ⁰C (77.0-89.6 ⁰F) to 10 and 40 ⁰C (50-104 ⁰F).

Economically, the country has a huge timber industry as a result of its vast forest coverage and exports hardwood to other countries. Cote d’ Ivoire is regarded as the world’s largest producer of cocoa, which is a major national cash crop in the country. Other cash crops include; bananas, coffee and oil palms, which is used to produce palm oil and kernels. The Natural resources available in the country are bauxite, cobalt, copper, clay, diamonds, gold, hydropower, iron, manganese, natural gas, nickel, petroleum, silica sand and tantalum (Idrissu, 2015).

Politically, Cote d’ Ivoire operates a presidential system of government in which the president is elected for a fixed term in office. Multi-party system is also practiced in the country. As a multi-lingual country, over seventy-eight (78) languages are spoken, but the official language is French and this was introduced during the colonial period. The language is also taught in schools. The country has a total population of Twenty-three million, six hundred and thirty-two thousand, eight hundred and thirty (23,632, 830) (United Nations, 2017).