INSECURITY AND CITIZEN PARTICIPATION IN ELECTION IN RIVERS STATE (1999-2016)
ABSTRACT: This study investigated the impact of insecurity on citizen participation in elections in Rivers State from 1999 to 2016. The specific objectives of the study were to; examine the state of insecurity during elections; assess the impact of insecurity on voter turnout during elections, as well as assessing the impact of insecurity on the conduct of elections in Rivers State since 1999. The mixed research method (qualitative and quantitative) was employed in this study involving the use of questionnaires and Key Informant Interviews (KII) in data collection; while content analytical tools, graphs, charts, and simple percentages were used in analyzing the generated data. The critical questions raised in this study were; what has been the state of insecurity during elections, the impacts of insecurity on voter turnout during elections, and the conduct of elections in Rivers State from 1999 to 2016? The major research findings were that; elections in Rivers State since 1999 have been characterized by insecurity, the declining level of voter turnout due to insecurity in Rivers State; and election-related insecurity is usually caused by desperate members of the political class in connivance with both the State and non-state security actors. In addressing this, the study proposed a number of recommendations including the following; establishment of election offenses commission, scaling up of anti-electoral violence advocacy, de-registration of perpetrators of insecurity in the voters’ register, and a life ban on convicts from political participation, among others.
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CHAPTER ONE
Background of the Study
The change from military rule to democracy took place on May 29, 1999, under a program of transition handled by General Abubakar Abdulsalam (Rtd). Through this period down, there have been changes in regimes by-elections witnessed in 2003, 2007, 2011, and 2015. But a marvel with Nigeria’s democratization process is the ways unsafe conditions scare people away from taking part in elections. The slow pace of the democratization process is not peculiar to Nigeria. It is a problem common to many African States and democracies across the globe. Ake (1994:1) has noted:
Africa is democratizing but the democratization occurring in Africa does not appear to be in the least emancipatory. On the contrary, it is legitimizing the disempowerment of ordinary people who seem to be worse off than they used to be because their political oppression is no longer perceived as a problem inviting solution, but a solution endowed with moral and political legitimacy.
A sage and good environment for the populace fosters for free, fair, credible and very open elections. In all democracies across the world, participation in electoral process is the inalienable right of all qualified citizens through which their electoral preferences are made for emergence of political leadership. This is hardly with political and electoral atmosphere of insecurity. Gueye and Hounkpe (2010:10) have argued;
Security is an important component of the electoral process. It enhances the credibility and overall success of an election; and if not well managed, can discredit the process. Elections, when they are not managed quite satisfactorily, can endanger the democratization process they are intended to serve. When the management of the electoral process itself is of dubious quality, this can lead to instability or even threaten the entire democratization process.
There is no denying the way that most African States, incorporating Nigeria are caught in the emergencies of insecurity, low level of involvement in elections, and the resultant terrible or poor administration. In such nations as the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Ivory Coast, Kenya, Nigeria and Zimbabwe, the size of viciousness, human rights misuses, and human losses have been high delineating constituent legislative issues as a wellspring of insecurity (Akokpari, 2012:2).
Rising uncertainty related to elections in Nigeria and Rivers State specifically, appears to have kept on influencing the degree of resident support in the constituent procedure. It is additionally basic to take note of that insecurity is commonly a worldwide marvel however its power and measurement differ all around. While supporting the above position and the Columbian experience, Gallego (2011:8) watched along these lines; “Guerillas damage elections and smother turnout”. In a similar vein, Carreras and Trelles (2012:89) placed that “proof outside of Columbia additionally underpins the negative connection among savagery and discretionary investment”.
It is basic for the State to play out its essential capacity of ensuring lives and property of the residents including consistently the electioneering time frames to make the prolific ground for the residents to effectively and adequately take an interest in elections by uninhibitedly and objectively picking the gauge of pioneers with the ability to enthrone great administration and advancement for the general great of the general public.
Instability shows itself in the types of dangers, savage assaults, kidnappings, militancy, strict dogmatism and radicalism, killings, illegal conflagration, and preferences. Insecurity related with the elections and the whole constituent procedure is typically planned for forming discretionary inclinations of the political degenerates. The electorates in a shaky domain open their lives to threat when they express discretionary inclinations that are in a struggle with the inclinations of the political freaks.
In Rivers State, and different places in Nigeria, elections are viewed as the vehicle through which both political and financial forces can be obtained not really for good administration and advancement yet for the crude amassing of riches to fulfill primordial premiums. This narcissistic mission has throughout the years prompted elevated distress to catch political power utilizing State and non-State security mechanical assemblies during electioneering, along these lines making a stifling security climate that estranges and denies the residents from effectively taking an interest in the appointive procedure. As described by Edozie (2016) in Wilson (2016:59); “The different elections in Rivers State were portrayed by abnormalities, wide-spread savagery and killings, discretionary misbehaviors bringing about the demise of numerous individuals”.
In his comparative analysis of insecurity in the electoral process among the African States, Powell (2009:147) posited thus:
The African States, in particular, is renowned for both civil and electoral violence; in 2011, eighteen African countries held elections (whether Presidential, Primary or Legislative) and out of these at least eleven were marred by violence. The potential long term effects of this trend are highly damaging; large-scale deterrence of both citizens from voting and candidates from running, a weakened perception of the validity of elections in general society and thus undermining of the perceived legitimacy of the government.
Insecurity in Rivers State originates before May 29, 1999, when the military system gave over the nation’s administrative structures and foundations to the justly chose pioneers. From that point forward, the different organizations that had held the reins of government in the State kept on being caught in the snare of insecurity showing in the types of militancy, grabbing, outfitted burglary, fire-related crime, and killings, particularly the politically inspired ones. All these have independently and on the whole changed the elements and composition of the appointive framework and the degree of residents’ interest in the constituent procedure, prompting poor administration, terrible administration, and underdevelopment.
As caught by Bello (2015:7), “somewhere in the range of 2006 and 2014, Rivers State recorded a sum of one hundred and eighty-one (181) instances of political and constituent fatalities”. This startling figure shows a hostile and hazardous condition for dynamic resident investment in the constituent procedure.
The air of insecurity is normally made by the political on-screen characters in intrigue with both State and non-State Security devices previously, during and after elections has become the settled in political culture in Rivers State specifically, and Nigeria by and large. As relevantly caught by Ademowo and Ojo (2015:5):
Nigeria’s historical antecedent shows that political disagreements, especially those that are associated with electoral misconduct usually snowballed into the national tragedy of unmitigated proportions. This is expressed in the increasing manifestation of physical, psychological, and structural violence perpetrated against political opponents and the citizenry, which include intimidation, vandalism, abduction, character defamation, and political-related assassination. Invariably, this has constituted a sense of insecurity and electoral apathy in the polity.
Spilling out of the above mentioned, the negative effects of instability on resident cooperation in elections and discretionary procedures are briefly caught. The residents can’t be effectively associated with the appointive procedures in an unreliable and dangerous condition portrayed by discretionary brutality, polling station grabbing, constituent thuggery, killings, harming, pyro-crime, and other united indecencies. At the point when the residents can’t take an interest viably in the constituent procedures, they are denied the privilege to pick their political pioneers at all degrees of administration, consequently making an ‘authenticity emergency’s for the rising government which thusly impacts adversely on administration, law-based union and the general advancement of the State. This position is confirmed by McGee, Pearce and Wheeler (2011:9); “where viciousness blocks resident activity, it likewise restricts the advancement of vote based system. Citizenship can’t be practiced in important manners if individuals dread for their security”.
Rivers State is one of the oil/gas creating States in Nigeria, contributing altogether to the nation’s income and Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Throughout the years, the battle to catch political influence has been likened with approaching financial influence through which riches can be crudely procured by the political office holders and their associates. The unending battle to control both political and financial powers in Rivers State since the inversion of administration lattice in Nigeria in 1999 has consistently achieved undesirable political contention snowballing into across the board discretionary viciousness, manipulating, constituent misrepresentation, seizing, killings, illegal conflagration, mangling, and other rough acts that on the whole make a climate of instability.
The predominant unpleasant political atmosphere in Rivers State has after some time hosed residents’ enthusiasm for effectively taking an interest in elections in their political supporters which up to this point ought to have given them the chance of picking the gauge of pioneers fit for giving great administration and carrying advancement and change to their entryway steps. The above position is additionally asserted by ActionAid (2015:10) in the Post-2015 General Elections in Nigeria overview report which divulges that ‘viciousness and militarization thwarted resident interest in the discretionary procedures in Rivers State, and accordingly added to low residents’ turnout’.
The spate of uncertainty in Rivers State accepted a disturbing measurement and further crumbled in 2013 when the until now One-Party Rivers State was spellbound after the surrender of the then Governor, Rt.Hon.Chibuike Amaechi and his lieutenants from the People Democratic Party (PDP) to the recently amalgamated All Progressive Congress (APC).The control battle in the State between the rising political coalitions from the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and All Progressive Congress (APC) turned out to be all out and brought about various types of insecurity during the 2015 General elections and the re-run elections that pursued thereafter.
As caught in one of the post-2015 Rivers State Governorship Election Reports;
The elections in Rivers State were in all likelihood the most incredibly disturbed in the nation. Brutal episodes were accounted for the duration of the day… … remembering a few detailed passings and assaults for party delegates, columnists, and political race authorities. Savagery seriously affected voters, political election authorities, and gathering supporters. (Partner Democracy Community, 2015:1-2).
Against this foundation, this examination looks at the condition of insecurity during elections in Rivers State, just as evaluating its effect on casting a ballot and voter turnout in the State from 1999 to 2016.
1.2 Statement of the Problem
Insecurity with its manifestations in different forms ranging from electoral violence, militancy, kidnapping, cultism, armed robbery, Boko Haram, and ethnocentric conflicts, arson, killings (including the politically-induced type) has over the years assumed a frightening dimension, thereby posing significant challenges to the Nigerian State.
An environment that is enveloped by an atmosphere of insecurity cannot allow citizens therein to actively and effectively participate in elections either to ‘vote’ or ‘be voted for’. In other words, when citizens are denied the opportunity of participating in elections and electoral process, their right to choose the caliber of political leaders to govern them is also denied, and this unarguably impact negatively on governance and development in such an environment.
High levels of criminal violence also have a negative impact on electoral participation by increasing the level of actual and perceived insecurity during elections. High levels of violence intimidate citizens, who may then prefer to stay at home on the day of the election instead of going out to the polls. In fact, in communities where violence is widespread, individuals are likely to abandon public spaces where the risk of suffering a violent attack is higher. Participation in social and political activities decreases as individuals seek refuge in their private spheres (Cruz 2000).
Elections are a basic mainstay of democratic rules system and great administration the world over. At the point when free, reasonable and straightforward, they give authenticity and acknowledgment. In Nigeria, elections have time and again been a sharp purpose of our majority rule government. Occurrences of misrepresentation, viciousness, fixing, vote purchasing, and glaring outcomes control have undermined the believability of this significant procedure, bringing about low open trust in political race results. (Shehu Musa Yaradua Foundation, 2015:4).
In Rivers State, the continued struggle by the elites to capture political power has been fierce since May 29, 1999, when democratic governance was restored in Nigeria, thereby leading to unhealthy competition among the various power blocks, which has culminated into an unprecedented level of insecurity witnessed across the State. As noted further by Musa (2015:4):
Of the many challenges to the electoral process, security has become one element on which organizers of elections, contenders for political offices, and the electorate are in agreement to be the pre-condition for a successful electoral process; given that it is practically impossible to hold credible elections in an insecure state.
As buttressed by Bello (2015:7), “Somewhere in the range of 2006 and 2014, Rivers State recorded an aggregate of one hundred and eighty-one (181) instances of political and constituent fatalities”. This terrifying figure shows an antagonistic and risky condition for dynamic resident interest in appointive procedure.
The image painted above is certifiably not a ripe ground for expanded resident interest in elections and the enthronement of vote based administration. This scenario has made Ademowo and Ojo (2015:6) to caution thus:
The third wave of democratization in Africa may arrive at a dead-end unless committed efforts are concentrated on the process of building a viable and virile democratic system that guarantees freedom from electoral apathy before, during, and after the election periods.
Insecurity has continued to be associated with elections, electoral and political systems in Nigeria since the first republic, and has become the prevailing political culture imbibed by most members of the political class in the country displaying the ‘zero-sum’ style of politics.
Without a doubt, unsafeness during a political election cycle has contributed hugely to the descending slant of the bend of resident support in appointive procedure in Rivers State and Nigeria overall. For example, INEC and FES (2015:5) expressed that “Not exactly 50% of the enrolled voters (42.76%) formally cast a ballot when contrasted with the 54% in 2011, 57% in 2007, 69% in 2003, and 52% in 1999 elections. In Rivers State, just 59.08% (1,228,614) of the enrolled voters (2,079,231) took an interest in the 2015 Governorship Elections (INEC, 2015:388).
In Rivers State, turnout was sliced from 64.7% (number of enrolled voters was 2,537,590 while number of certify voters was 1,643,409) in 2015 to 37.07% (number of enlisted voters was 3,048,741, and number of authorize voters was 1,130,445) (Stakeholder Democracy Community, 2019:8)
These measurements extremely show the degree of political detachment that has always been shown by the Nigerian electorates during the different elections that have been led since 1999 in the nation. There is no denying the way that various variables, particularly insecurity have added to this fluctuating level of resident investment in elections in Rivers State, and the nation all in all. As substantiated by Lai (2018) in Aghedo, Nwokolo and Okigbo (2018:1), “The danger of brutality is available in about each political election in Nigeria. It can hinder voter turnout, limit political crusade developments and push contender to drop out-all of which raise doubt about the validity of a discretionary procedure”.
The steady descending slant of the degree of resident support in elections in Nigeria throughout the years has immense ramifications on the administration of the nation and the individuals; and has additionally made the ‘authenticity and responsibility holes’ at all degrees of government in the nation, including Rivers State. Though it is the privilege of residents to take part in elections and different periods of the appointive procedure by casting a ballot up-and-comers of their elections which perpetually makes the chosen political pioneers responsible and improve great administration, the perseverance of instability during elections cycle prevents dynamic resident support which antagonistically influences administration in Rivers State.
1.3 Aim and Objectives of the Study
The aim of the study was to explore the relationship between insecurity and citizen participation in elections in Rivers State, Nigeria.
The specific objectives of the study were to:
- examine the state of insecurity during elections in Rivers State from 1999 to 2016;
- assess the impact of insecurity on voter turnout during elections in Rivers State since 1999; and,
- evaluate the impact of insecurity on the conduct of elections in Rivers State since 1999
1.4 Research Questions
The critical questions raised in this study were:
- What has been the state of insecurity during elections in Rivers State since 1999?
- What have been the impacts of insecurity on voter turnout during elections in Rivers State from 1999 to 2016?
- What have been the impact of insecurity on the conduct of elections in Rivers State since 1999?
1.5 Assumptions of the Study
In this study, the assumptions were that:
- elections in Rivers State since 1999 have been characterized by violence perpetrated by members of the political class, violent groups, and compromised State security agencies;
- the declining level of voter turnout in elections in Rivers State since 1999 is primarily caused by insecurity; and,
- insecurity has impacted negatively on the conduct of free, fair, and credible elections in by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) in Rivers State since 1999.
1.6 Significance of the Study
This investigation has both hypothetical and experimental hugeness. Hypothetically, the examination will grow and improve the surviving writing on insecurity (discretionary and general), and resident interest in elections in Rivers State, and Nigeria as a rule. The investigation will likewise touch off further scholastic request among researchers, advancement establishments, specialists, arrangement creators and understudies in this field of study, particularly as it identifies with the factors in this examination.
Exactly, the examination is noteworthy and helpful in an assortment of ways. To start with, it tries to show the effects of insecurity on the bend of resident cooperation in elections in Rivers State, just as how political portrayal in the State has been affected either contrarily or emphatically. Second, the developing discoveries and suggestions will incite both open and institutional exchanges and activities that will help in changing the elements and direction of uncertainty, and resident support in elections in Rivers State and Nigeria.
The commitments of this investigation would be of massive enthusiasm to the elections the executives body in Nigeria (The Independent National Electoral Commission of Nigeria-INEC), the security organizations, ideological groups, political elites, discretionary missions, worldwide improvement accomplices, and the electorates.
The issue of this investigation expresses that insecurity is and has been the reason for declining resident interest in elections in Rivers State, which has likewise affected contrarily on the elements of political portrayal. Consequently, the suggestions of this investigation whenever consolidated into the Electoral Act and the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) Guidelines will reinforce the current security engineering and authorizes system related with the nation’s discretionary procedure, along these lines boosting residents’ certainty to effectively take an interest in future elections and other appointive exercises.
1.7 Scope and Limitations of the Study
This study focused on insecurity and citizen participation in elections in Rivers State from 1999 to 2016. The variables in this study are; insecurity, citizen participation, and elections. The study interrogated these variables from 1999 to 2016.
The geographical scope of the study is Rivers State in Nigeria. Rivers State has twenty-three (23) local government areas with a population figure of five million, one hundred and ninety-eight thousand, seven hundred and sixteen (5,198,716). (National Population Commission, 2006).
The only limitation envisaged in this study was the likelihood of some respondents in the six selected communities (Erema, Odiemerenyi, Oduoha, Oroazi, Bomu, and Nonwa) in declining to give in-depth accounts of security-related issues due to their lack of knowledge of the objectives of the study. This is so because insecurity has been a trending issue in Rivers State, hence caution is being applied whenever it is discussed. However, the respective community development committees (CDCs) were engaged to secure their buy-in for active citizen participation in the survey. In addition, community research assistants were trained and engaged in the survey so as to build the confidence of local respondents for effective participation.
1.8 Study Area
The research setting of this study is Rivers State, Nigeria. Rivers State, with its capital in Port Harcourt, is one of the thirty-six (36) federating States in Nigeria. The State has a population of five million, one hundred and ninety-eight thousand, seven hundred and sixteen (5,198,716) (National Population Commission, 2006; and National Bureau of Statistics, 2012).
Rivers State has twenty-three (23) local government areas, namely; Abua-Odual, Ahoada-East, Ahoada-West, Akuku-Toru, Andoni, Asari-Toru, Bonny, Degema, Eleme, Emohua, Etche, Gokana, Ikwerre, Khana, Obio-Akpor, Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni, Ogu/Bolo, Okrika, Omuma, Opobo/Nkoro, Oyigbo, Port Harcourt, and Tai.
Figure 1: Map of Rivers State, Nigeria (IMG file attached in downloaded file)
Source: www.riversstate.gov.ng
The State was made from the old Eastern area of Nigeria in 1967 and it is limited on the South by the Atlantic Ocean, toward the North by Imo, Abia, and the Anambra States, toward the East by Akwa Ibom State and toward the West by Bayelsa and Delta States. Waterways State is comprised of various indigenous ethnic gatherings, including Abua, Andoni, Ekpeye, Engenni, Etche, lbani, lkwerre, Kalabari, Ogba, Egbema, Ndoni, Okrika, Ogoni among others.
Rivers State is financially huge as the focal point of Nigeria’s oil and gas industry contributing massively to the nation’s income profile.
The examination test was drawn from six communities in Rivers State, to be specific; Bomu, Nonwa, Odiemerenyi, Oduoha, Oro-azi, and Erema. The exploration drew its example from Rivers State Police direction, and Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Rivers State.
Bomu: Bomu is an agrarian and riverine community in Gokana Local Government Area of Rivers State. It is the customary base camp of the Bomu tribe in the Gokana realm, including these nuclear families: Gan-Leve, Gan-Buadee, Gan-Teekaa, Gan-Bera, Gan-Zorgbe, Gan-Kpoo, Gan-Taaka, Gan-Gbeedeene, Gan-Kuri, Gan-Bie, Gan-Yorwan, and Gan-Bina. Bomu people group is verged on the North by Lewe, on the West by Boue, Gbe on the East, and the South coast by Bonny through the ocean. The customary language of the Bomu individuals is known as ‘Gokana’. (Bomu Village Book, 2015:1).
Bomu people group is in Rivers South-East Senatorial District with an all outnumber of 9,000, 300, and fifty-four (9,354) enlisted voters. (INEC Voter Register, 2015)
Erema: Erema people group is a subset of ‘EGI’ Kingdom in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni Local Government Area (ONELGA) of Rivers State. The people group is a mixture of three illustrious sub-communities, in particular; Abururu, Obiedi, and Umu-Agbna. (Erema Village Book, 2015:1)
Politically, the community is the central command of Ward 10 in Ogba/Egbema/Ndoni neighborhood government region of Rivers State. Erema is in Rivers West Senatorial District with a sum of 8,000, 400, and thirteen (8,413) enlisted voters. (INEC Voter Register, 2015)
Oro-azi: Oro-azi community is in the Obio-Akpor neighborhood government territory of Rivers State. It is an urban focus and is situated in the focal point of Port Harcourt. The people group is in Rivers East senatorial region and has a sum of 3,000, 700, and sixty-six (3,766) enlisted voters. (INEC Voter Register, 2015).
Odiemerenyi: Odiemerenyi people group is in the Ahoada-East Local Government Area of Rivers State. Politically, the community is the central station of Ward 11 in Ahoada-East L.G.A, including Odiemerenyi, Odhiaje, Odisama, Odimudie, and Ekpena people group.
The people group has an aggregate of 2,000, 800, and three (2,803) enlisted voters. (INEC Voter Register, 2015).
Nonwa: Nonwa is one of the communities in Tai L.G.A of Rivers State and furthermore a subset of the Ogoni Kingdom. It is situated along with the East-West street hub and verged on the North by Ban-Ogoi, Gbaken, and Aabue people group, on the South by Ekpoo and Ogu people group, Gbam and Gorobara people group on the East and; Barayira and Sime people group on the West.
Nonwa people group has 9,000, 500, and fifty-one (9,551) enlisted voters. (INEC Voter Register, 2015).
Oduoha: Oduoha is one of the communities in Emuoha near the government zone of Rivers State. The people group can be gotten to through the East-West street hub and offers outskirts with Elibrada (on the North), Ibaa (on the West), Rumuodogu (on the East) and Evekwu (on the South) people group.
The people group has an aggregate of 2,000, 800, and three (9,946) enlisted voters. (INEC Voter Register, 2015).
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